Governments are digitizing the systems that register, compensate and support victims of terrorism. Built for service delivery, these systems rarely ask whether victims’ records will survive, hold up in court, or stay under victims’ control. The justice-readiness framework offers a way to close that gap before the next attack.
When a terrorist attack ends, a second process begins that receives far less attention. Survivors and bereaved families must be identified, registered, referred to services, compensated and, in many cases, recognized as parties in criminal proceedings that may run for a decade. Increasingly, every step of that process runs on digital infrastructure: victim registries, case management platforms, compensation portals, hotlines, and the identity and payment rails to which they connect.
The United Nations Office of Counter-Terrorism has made this shift the focus of its Tech for Victims of Terrorism initiative, which in 2026 convened multisectoral working groups to shape a Toolkit for Technology-Enabled Support to Victims of Terrorism, due to launch in December 2026. Its first public deliverable, the Gap Analysis of Digital Tools to Support Victims of Terrorism (April 2026), already identifies digital victim registries and court-admissible evidentiary standards as open problems. The five public challenges the initiative set out (co-design with victims, multilingual and culturally adaptive tools, low-connectivity contexts, data safety and security, and a safer internet) map a field that is moving quickly from ad hoc practice toward standards.
That is welcome. But it also brings into view a problem that my co-author Adriana Banozic-Tang and I raised in our GGI Briefing last year on digital public infrastructure (DPI): the frameworks we use to assess digital systems measure whether they are secure and whether they are overseen and stop there. They do not ask whether the system will serve justice when it is called upon to do so. Victims of terrorism are the clearest test case for that question, and they show that it is not only a concern for states in political transition.
Last year we argued that DPI governance has a temporal blind spot. Frameworks such as the OECD’s and the World Bank’s assume a stable political context and design for continuity of administration, not continuity of accountability. When a regime changes, records built for service delivery can be wiped, contested or captured, and truth commissions, reparations programs and tribunals inherit the damage. For example, in the context of Bangladesh’s political transition in 2024 we saw how quickly evidence can become vulnerable. When the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances inspected secret detention sites, it found recent attempts to conceal and destroy evidence: walls removed to enlarge cramped cells, fresh paint over walls on which victims had carved their names, and, at one site, a bricked-over entrance to cells too small to lie down in. In order to address this gap, we proposed a third layer of trust, justice readiness, to sit alongside technical trust and governance trust, resting on three pillars: narrative integrity, evidence admissibility and legitimacy maintenance.
Victim support systems expose a second blind spot, and this one operates in stable democracies too. Even where no political rupture is in sight, the digital systems that hold victims’ data are rarely built to preserve a coherent record of what happened to whom, rarely designed to produce evidence a court will accept, and rarely structured so that victims themselves retain meaningful control over how their information circulates. The failure is not political. It is architectural, and it is baked in at the procurement stage.
Three features of terrorism cases make this acute. First, the timelines are long: investigations, trials, appeals, compensation reviews and memorialization can span a decade or more, far longer than the life cycle of the software that holds the initial records. Second, the populations are small and the networks tight, which means that data anonymized in isolation becomes identifying the moment it is linked with a news report, a diaspora registry or an NGO caseload. Third, the harm is ongoing: victims are re-exposed each time their names, images or testimony resurface, whether in legacy coverage, in AI-generated summaries, or in synthetic content built to discredit them.
The justice-readiness pillars were written for transitional contexts, but each translates directly into the challenges the UNOCT initiative has set out.
Narrative integrity is about preserving context-rich records in tamper-evident form. For victims of terrorism this means that the account of an attack, and of a person’s place in it, is not reducible to whichever fragments circulate most widely. A registry that captures provenance and context (who recorded what, when, under what consent) is also the infrastructure that lets a victim contest a deepfake, request delisting of a graphic image, or correct a denialist narrative years later. Narrative integrity is the quiet foundation of a safer internet for victims: without an authoritative, durable record, every takedown request starts from zero.
Evidence admissibility is where victim registries and the justice system meet. Support systems are typically run by interior, social-affairs or finance ministries, or by dedicated guarantee funds, and the data they hold is structured for casework and compensation rather than for court. Yet the same records often become central to criminal proceedings, to civil claims against platforms or states, and to compensation disputes. Designing for chain of custody, verifiable logs and standard evidence formats from the outset costs little compared with reconstructing provenance a decade later. It also spares victims the burden of re-telling their stories to each new institution, which is one of the most consistently reported sources of secondary harm.
Legitimacy maintenance concerns who controls the system and how that control is distributed. In the transitional setting, the risk is capture by a successor regime. In victim support, the risk is quieter: a single agency, vendor or platform holding unilateral authority over data that victims cannot see, amend or withdraw. Consent that is granted once at intake and never revisited is not consent in any meaningful sense for someone whose circumstances will change over twenty years. Trauma-informed consent has to be dynamic, and that is a governance design choice as much as a technical one. Distributing authority across independent parties, including victims’ associations, is the mechanism that makes such consent enforceable rather than aspirational.
Much of the policy conversation about victim support technology assumes high bandwidth, stable power and well-resourced services. The populations most affected by terrorism live largely outside those conditions. In my own fieldwork with displaced and diaspora communities in West Africa and the Caribbean, WhatsApp has become the de facto support and research channel, precisely because it works on entry-level phones and intermittent signal. That has consequences for justice readiness. Records created on messaging platforms are held under foreign jurisdictions, are difficult to authenticate, and can vanish with a lost handset.
Two design principles follow. Low connectivity should be treated as a core design constraint rather than an edge case, which favors offline-first and on-device tools that never require sensitive data to leave the phone unencrypted. And “multilingual” should not be confused with “multicultural”: a model that handles standard French well can still miss the code-switching, silences and trauma vocabularies of Niamey or Port-au-Prince. Justice readiness in these settings depends on local annotation and community partnership, not simply on more data.
The UNOCT process will produce its own toolkit, and I will not anticipate it here. But from the public problem statements and from the DPI literature, three priorities are already clear.
First, treat victim registries as justice infrastructure, not only as social-service infrastructure. Procurement criteria and donor assessments should ask whether records will remain interpretable and admissible across the full life of a case and should require preservation metadata and verifiable logging as baseline features.
Second, build dynamic consent and distributed control into the architecture. Victims should be able to see, amend and withdraw permissions throughout the data life cycle, and no single agency or vendor should hold unilateral authority over the registry. Victims’ associations belong in that governance structure as parties, not as consultees.
Third, connect the victim-support conversation to the broader DPI agenda. The UN Global Digital Compact, the OECD DPI framework and the World Bank’s financing criteria are moving from text to practice now. Justice readiness, tested first on the hardest cases, can be embedded in those instruments before a new generation of systems locks in the old assumptions.
The systems that will hold the records of the next attack are being specified today. Whether they serve victims or add to their burden will be decided in design documents that almost no victim will ever see. That is the case for getting the architecture right now, and for treating justice readiness as a requirement.
The views expressed are the author’s own and do not represent the positions of the United Nations Office of Counter-Terrorism or its Tech for Victims of Terrorism working groups.
Arnaud Kurze is Professor of Justice Studies at Montclair State University, Director of Project AROS Lab, and Non-Resident Senior Fellow in the AI Governance Programme at the Global Governance Institute, Brussels. He is co-author, with Adriana Banozic-Tang, of the GGI Briefing Justice-Ready Digital Public Infrastructure: Building a Third Layer of Trust for Democratic Resilience (2025). He is also the author of the GGI Commentary Silencing Dissent: How the Tech Backlash Threatens Transitional Justice (2025).
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