Peace and security

Contemporary approaches for tackling international peace and security issues require not only a coherent global approach, but also mutually reinforcing responses involving an effective United Nations system in tandem with strong regional organizations. We focus on strengthening United Nations peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts and on enhancing the effectiveness of military and civilian approaches to the protection of civilians.

The EU Foreign Policy of My Dreams: Ten Wishes
Johan Galtung
In this GGI ‘Views from Practice’ Paper, Professor Johan Galtung (principal founder of the field of peace studies) provides a concise and out-of-the-box “wish list”, outlining his 10 recommendations for the future of the European Union’s foreign policy. Professor Galtung commends the EU’s ‘glittering success’ in terms of peaceful integration, but warns about a decline of international presence and impact through wrong-headed policy choices. He argues for a more actively intercultural and more successful EU foreign policy that would share and promote the European experience through a mutual dialogue of civilizations and to foster the establishment of strong regional organizations within a ‘United Regions’ system worldwide.
The Middle East as weapons of mass destruction free zone: A proposal to overcome the deadlock
Cosimo Risi
Creating a nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction free zone (NWFZ/ WMDFZ) in the Middle East is a promising goal. The recent chemical weapons attack on Syrian citizens highlighted the need for regional diplomacy and better protection of civilians. The Global Governance Institute advocates re-launching negotiations regarding a WMD free zone in the Middle East. It is crucial to take these steps at this moment in time. The obstacles are considerable, but the benefits far outweigh the costs. Increased trust among states in a fragile region, additional protection for citizens and a binding agreement promoting peace are possible if an eight-step roadmap is followed. Written by the Italian Ambassador to Switzerland and previous Permanent Representative to the Disarmament Conference in Geneva, Cosimo Risi, this ‘view from practice’ provides insights on how to advance an ambitious multilateral proposal.
Leading the Peacebuilding Commission: An Institutional History in the Making
Ejeviome Eloho Otobo
In this second GGI ‘Views from Practice’ Paper, Ejeviome Eloho Otobo (Director and Deputy Head of the United Nations Peacebuilding Support Office) provides a detailed inside overview of the main milestones and crucial developments in the evolution of the main bodies of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). Based on the author’s own experience and a wide range of conversations and interviews with PBC Chairs, the paper provides in-depth insights into the young organization’s institutional adaptations, core changes as well as the main contributions of all of the serving Chairs. The analysis is predicated on the belief that the growth of any new intergovernmental institution critically depends on the creative adjustments that are made by successive leaders, as the institution evolves. Such adjustments are necessarily incremental borne out of persistent experimentation. Finally, the paper provides some reflection on the PBC’s future challenges, related both to the issues of funding and a deeper relationship with the Security Council. Addressing these challenges will be vital for continuing the young institutional history and wider field impact of this unique UN body.
Anticipating the “Final” Arms Trade Treaty Conference: Eight Concrete Proposals
Niels van Willigen
Katherine Prizeman
Conventional weapons are responsible for most battle field-related deaths and often represent a scourge on many societies in diverse global regions. Without denying the horrendous effects of nuclear, chemical or biological weapons, in numerical terms, conventional weapons seem to be the real weapons of mass destruction, particularly fuelled by the illicit and irresponsible trade in such weapons. At the same time, most conventional weapons are considered legitimate instruments of self-defence for states. There is no taboo on possessing and trading in conventional weapons and such trade is worth billions of dollars a year. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), the transfers (which include trade, but also loans, leases and gifts) in major conventional weapons increased 24 per cent between the period 2002-2006 and 2007-2011 (SIPRI 2012: 12). The legitimacy and profitability of the arms trade make arms control measures often difficult to realize. The prospective Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) aims to regulate the trade in conventional arms, rather than to limit or outlaw it. From 2-27 July 2012 the member states of the United Nations (UN) gathered in New York to participate in the UN Conference on the ATT. These four weeks of negotiations produced a draft treaty text, but no consensus could be reached on a final text for adoption. In this GGI Analysis Paper, Katherine Prizeman and Niels van Willigen provide essential background and concrete recommendations for a last effort to negotiate a consensus treaty during the “Final UN Conference on the Arms Trade Treaty” scheduled to take place 18-28 March 2013.
Government and the Process of Governance in Africa
Joy Alemazung
Democracy and good governance are two concepts that are often perceived as closely interlinked. This paper uses different examples from Africa to show that these ideas are, in fact, not only different, but are endowed with dimensions which also allow them to exist independent from one another. To do so the paper defines and examines the interrelation between democracy, government and governance and analyses the failures in African political systems based on deficiencies in these interrelations. It concludes that these deficiencies can be overcome by both the right kind of democratic constitution and political arrangement that would safeguard constitutionalism, as well as a good leadership for the people and not for the leaders. Furthermore, this paper argues that even though good governance and democracy are far from being synonymous, they are necessary for any successful political system aiming to establish and promote economic and socio-political development in Africa. Even though democracy is not equal to good governance and a country could be well governed without a democratically elected leader, democracy is a key factor to hold governments accountable.
Electing Freedom? Key Challenges For Libya After The 7 July 2012 Election
Dario Cristiani
Dustin Dehez
Heather McRobie
Of all the upheavals in the Middle East, the Libyan uprising has been among the more violent and devastating. The removal of Libya's erstwhile dictator and the triumph of the rebel forces, supported by Operation Unified Protector, have provided the Libyan people with the clearest cut to its previous regime that the Arab Spring has yet produced. Yet, Libya is now facing a different sort of challenge: realising the promise of democratic government and personal freedom in an environment where the state's control over the country is incomplete at best. Now that the first elections have been a success, one of the primary concerns Libya faces is the drafting of the final constitution. The 200 parliamentarians elected on July 7th 2012 are now responsible for appointing the 60-member body that will draft the constitution, a process that requires the entrenchment of rule of law and human rights, whilst maintain a healthily open consultation process. Further crucial priorities are security sector reform, where the international community plays a key role, strengthening the rule of law through establishing clearer communication channels and defined roles between different ministries, and continuing the process of state-building and drawing a line under the past through transitional justice programmes that meet the needs of Libyan society.
The Somali Crisis and the EU: Moving Onshore and Committing to Somalia
Georg-Sebastian Holzer
Hubertus Jürgenliemk
About 90 percent of world trade is conducted via sea transport and up to 50 percent of the world’s container ships pass by the Horn of Africa (Stone 2012). In result, Somali piracy attacks costs the global economy some USD 7 billion a year (One Earth Future Foundation 2012). The crisis in Somalia has thus become a global problem. In response, the worlds’ powers are trying to contain and defuse it. The United States, China, Russia, NATO and the European Union all patrol the Indian Ocean in one of the largest military operations currently ongoing. Thousands of navy officers on war ships are engaged off the Somali coast aiming to protect container and cargo ships. With this costly undertaking not having much effect on preventing piracy, new strategies are needed. The Global Governance Institute takes a look at the political dynamics in Somalia and recommends to closer integrating shore and offshore-based engagement. It focuses on the European engagement with two running crisis management operations and one launched on 16 July 2012 and to be operational in the autumn. In the medium- to long-term engagement on the ground is needed. Piracy is a symptom of political instability in Somalia, not its cause. The revenue generated by pirates via ransom was about USD 160m in 2011, a fraction of what the international naval operations cost. The new European EUCAP Nestor operation can be a first step in the right direction if it is the first of many steps to much stronger engagement, fostering dialogue and addressing the causes of conflict: poverty and instability within Somalia rather than merely deploying warships to patrol the Somali coast.
United Nations - European Union Cooperation in the Field of Peacekeeping: Challenges and Prospects
Alexandra Novosseloff
Partnerships between the United Nations (UN) and other International Organizations in the field of Peacekeeping have become a central feature of contemporary Global Security Governance. Since the early 2000s, the UN’s relationship with the European Union (EU) has developed as one of the most institutionalized partnerships of its kind. Yet, even though both organizations pursue similar objectives and seem –on first sight- like natural partners, a wide range of challenges and limitations currently hamper their effective cooperation. This GGI Analysis provides an in-depth analysis of the historical evolution of the UN-EU partnership, of the major elements of its institutionalisation as well as of the successes and tensions that have arisen from joint operations in the field. Examining also more recent cases of UN-EU cooperation, such as in the case of Kosovo and the Chad, the paper identifies major obstacles and challenges and offers several recommendations towards a more coherent and mutually reinforcing partnership. Keywords: UN-EU Cooperation; Peacekeeping; Peacebuilding; EUFOR RD Congo; EUFOR Tchad/RCA; MONUC; MINURCAT
The Biological Weapons Convention, Bioterrorism And The Life Sciences
Niels van Willigen
Koos van der Bruggen
One of the most shocking abilities of biological weapons is the ability to kill you without noticing a previous infection. This makes it a very powerful and dangerous source of modern weaponry. It can take days before a victim becomes ill or dies and it might be difficult to determine whether this was because of a natural outbreak of disease or because of an attack with a biological weapon. This raises serious problems for policymakers working on biosecurity, especially in relation to the threat of bioterrorism. With the advancements made in life sciences (such as biology, bio-nanotechnology, genetics) there is a growing concern among policymakers and academics that terrorists might misuse research intended for legitimate purposes. When it comes to global efforts to counter bioterrorism it is important to know to what extent the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) - as the traditional cornerstone of the biological weapons non-proliferation regime - addresses this challenge. In this policy brief we argue that the tools at the disposal of the BWC to tackle bioterrorism and to monitor developments in the life sciences are rather limited. The most recent Review Conference, which took place at the Palais des Nations in Geneva in December 2011, changed little in that respect. We argue that the limited role of the BWC can be explained by the fact that the lowest common denominator the 165 States Parties can agree on is to preserve the BWC as a traditional arms control regime. As a result, countering bioterrorism and debating the right balance between scientific freedom and security in the life sciences will mainly take place outside the BWC. This has implications for global governance in the sense that it demands cooperation between a plethora of stakeholders, including states, international organizations, industry and scientists. Ideally the BWC would have to develop further into a hub in which these actors are able to create synergy in the global efforts to counter bioterrorism.
The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women)
Marina Lynch
In 2006, the Secretary General’s High-Level Panel on UN System-World Coherence proposed consolidating elements of the UN system focused on women into one larger and stronger women’s agency. This recommendation was endorsed by Kofi Annan and later unanimously approved by the General Assembly on 2 July 2010.
Informing Conflict Prevention, Response and Resolution (INFOCORE)
INFOCORE is an international collaborative research project funded under the 7th European Framework Program of the European Commission. It comprises leading experts from all social sciences dealing, and includes nine renowned research institutions from seven countries. Its main aim is to investigate the role(s) that media play in the emergence or prevention, the escalation or de-escalation, the management, resolution, and reconciliation of violent conflict. INFOCORE provides a systematically comparative assessment of various kinds of media, interacting with a wide range of relevant actors and producing diverse kinds of conflict coverage. It focuses on three main conflict regions – the Middle East, the West Balkans, and the African Great Lakes area. Its findings address both the socially interactive production process behind the creation of conflict coverage, and the dynamics of information and meaning disseminated via the media. INFOCORE focuses on the conditions that bring about different media roles in the cycle of conflict and peace building. It generates knowledge on the social processes underlying the production of conflict news, and the inherent dynamics of conflict news contents, in a systematically comparative fashion. Based on this perspective, the project identifies the conditions under which media play specific constructive or destructive roles in preventing, managing, and resolving violent conflict, and building sustainable peace. INFOCORE reconstructs the production process of conflict-related media contents, focusing on the interactions between professional journalists, political actors, experts/NGOs, and lay publics. It analyzes these actors’ different roles as sources or advocates, mediators, users and audiences in the production of professional news media, social media, and semi-public expert analysis. To assess the roles of media for shaping conflict perceptions and responses to ongoing conflicts, INFOCORE analyzes the dynamics of conflict news content over time. It identifies recurrent patterns of information diffusion and the polarization/consolidation of specific frames and determines the main contextual factors that influence the roles media play in conflict and peace building. Specifically, the project assesses the roles of individual agendas and resources, professional norms, media organizations and systems, political systems, and characteristics of the conflict situation. The INFOCORE project team has taken up its work on January 1, 2014. Its findings and selected data will be accessible to all public. During and beyond the project duration, we invite collaboration by interested researchers and practitioners.